With more than 70,000 participants in the M5S internal referendum on the Draghi government, and a result that marks an almost halfway split—with a possible party splinter after the departure of Di Battista, who was opposed—the majority of M5S activists gave the green light to supporting the government. This participation in the vote should be respected, even if it took place on a discredited and opaque platform. It tells the story of a political force that is questioning itself at such a punishing crossroads. And it is precisely this division in the largest parliamentary group that will make the future premier lose some sleep.
These are doubts and questions that have also crossed the minds of those in the LeU, because the prospect of sitting next to the Lega and Forza Italia is certainly difficult to digest. A problem that Renzi’s people don’t have, given that this is what “the Wrecker” and some powerful sectors of the Italian and European economy wanted. But for those who resolutely supported the Conte 2 government, and especially due to the way it “fell”— an ugly, opaque power maneuver—governing with their natural opponents is not an exciting prospect.
But while the doubts are strong among the LeU and the M5S (the PD does not care much), paradoxically, someone who has done a lot to dispel them has been none other than Salvini, who has decided to jump on the winner’s bandwagon with an embarrassing about-turn. First of all regarding his anti-European positions. His switching of sides, made official by the vote in the European Parliament on the Recovery Plan, has compelling reasons behind it. The Lega wants to plant its flag on the territory of the fight against the pandemic, the economic recovery, employment and the billions in funding coming in.
Especially because the credit for where we are today regarding the various aspects of the emergency must be given to the Conte 2 government, it would be a mistake to leave everything to the most conservative and fascistoid forces in our country.
For the parties of the previous majority—going beyond the discomfort of having to bite the bullet and support Draghi after bending so far already—it becomes almost an obligation to participate in the next government. Even in the painful situation in which they must turn up their noses at decisions that leave little room for different choices.
But there is another element that should be considered. When Draghi has accomplished his assigned tasks, we will go to the polls, and the center-right will be united. The pro-democratic forces will only be able to effectively counter the adversary if and—as they used to say—to the extent that they are able to establish a common front in the coming years.
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