Pintor’s words are still relevant today. And by the way I don’t think we can define Matteo Renzi’s reforms as “anti-worker,” even if we agreed that that definition itself had a meaning.
Renzi simply obeyed the neo-liberal majority that took over Europe and encountered only agreement from the Italian ruling class: think about Marchionne’s decisions on Fiat.
Why is there no left-wing force in Italy with ties to the new anti-capitalist movements around Europe — with similar size and persuasion power — such as (being aware of the many differences among these groups) Podemos, Linke, Syriza?
I don’t think our situation can be compared to that which gave life to Podemos, the now old Linke and Syriza. An interesting route might be an update of the Italian economic situation on the themes proposed by the European Union.
European Union obligations have eroded democratic powers and processes, in fact destroying democracy’s founding spaces and social transformation goals. Is the European Union, merely reduced to a single currency, still on the same side of advanced and progressive democracy?
I believe we should think about the fact that more than attacking a so-called communism that never really existed in Western Europe, what has really been under attack after the fall of the Berlin Wall is the keynesian interpretation that characterized post-war European constitutions.
I wrote something about it the year in which I left this newspaper. I think in September.
Trump became president of the US because he was rewarded by the populist promise of protectionism. But “the world’s only superpower” is not so powerful anymore, neither economically nor politically, and risks to become the main weapon of an ideology of conflict, isolationist and racist. What is left of democratic arguments of the neo-liberal West?