Interview
Rihan Loqo: ‘Women in Rojava are at risk of being massacred’
The democratic confederalism being pioneered in Rojava is now at risk precisely because it is based on the elimination of patriarchy, including overcoming the neoliberal economic model and the nation-state, and on women’s liberation.
For 12 years, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) has been an experiment in social and political innovation based on three pillars: jin, jîyan, azadî, which in the Kurmanji language (spoken by the Kurds in that part of Syria) means “Woman, Life, Freedom.”
This is not a slogan against the imposition of the veil, but a libertarian model of peaceful coexistence between peoples and cultures, theorized by Abdullah Öcalan, the founder of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), considered a terrorist organization by NATO, and who for that reason has been jailed for the past 26 years in solitary confinement in a maximum-security prison on the Turkish island of Imrali dove, which holds only him. Among Kurds he remains known as Rêber Apo, the “charismatic leader” of the KCK, the Union of Kurdistan Communities, spread over four nation-states, Turkey, Syria, Iran, and Iraq.
The democratic confederalism being pioneered in Rojava is now at risk precisely because it is based on the elimination of patriarchy from every aspect of social life, including overcoming the neoliberal economic model and the concept of the nation-state and its territorial boundaries; and on women's liberation, secularism, freedom of worship, and dual gender representation, such that every office is held by both a man and a woman at all times.
In public schools and universities across the territories governed by the AANES, in order to graduate or get a degree in any field, it is a mandatory requirement to pass an examination in Jineoloji, the “Science of Women,” which doesn’t just involve the rediscovery of female thinkers, women scientists and artists neglected by Western educational curricula, but also a new epistemological, decolonial and intersectional paradigm based on a transformative pedagogy for society that focuses on the liberation of women, along with Nature and all living beings, from all oppression.
This utopia has never ceased to be a target for Turkey, the Assad regime and the jihadist troops who today are trying to project the most reassuring image.
We spoke with Rihan Loqo, spokesperson for Kongra Star, the confederation of all democratic women's organizations around the world that are aligned with Jineoloji.
Is there a risk of the former dictatorship being replaced by another despotic regime?
The Assad regime was a dictatorial regime and missed a historic opportunity to democratize its government. As a result, the lack of solution-oriented policies, both internally and externally, led to the end of the Assad regime. In the current conditions, it is time to create something new. The risk of a regime that aspires to be what the old one was is within the realm of possibility. Whoever comes to power and doesn’t distance themselves from the status quo, from the monistic, dictatorial, reactionary, cruel and masculinist mentality of the past, will pave the way for new conflicts rather than solutions. This danger is present if we look at the policies of Ha'yat Tahrir al Sham, which toppled the Assad regime. Although they have recently adopted a very moderate image – and they are doing so consciously – we have seen what their policies have been in Idlib, and we already see how they are repressing dissidents in Latakia and the danger that they will adopt an extremist Islamist attitude toward women's rights. However, unless proper policies, strong social resistance and self-defense are developed for the benefit of women, peoples and social dynamics, the next regime will have very little chance of survival.
Turkish President Erdogan is stressing the importance of Syria's “territorial integrity” – will he and the new “leadership” respect the existence and will of the Kurdish people and all other peoples?
ISIS, which suffered a major defeat with the revolution in northeastern Syria, has continued to organize through the Turkish state, with structures such as the Syrian National Army (SNA). Turkish attacks against the population have continued for 12 years, although not always with great intensity. The Turkish state, intending to take advantage of the vacuum created by the fall of the Assad regime, has mobilized all the underground gang organizations. Since November 27, many towns and villages within the borders of the democratic Autonomous Administration have been attacked. The military equipment, weapons, ammunition, intelligence and logistics of these underworld organizations are provided by the Turkish state, which aims to prevent a possible solution in favor of the Administration in the emerging political situation and to deprive the Kurdish people of any status on the territory. Erdogan's discourse about Syria's territorial integrity does not include the political, cultural, economic and social rights and demands of the Syrian people and the Kurdish people. Erdogan's main goal is to maintain and strengthen his geostrategic and economic position in the changing regional balances based on nation-state interests and to conquer a larger slice of the pie. He sees the Kurds as the main obstacle to achieving this goal. Erdogan is the bearer of the Turkish conception of Islamism. The oppressive, denialist and fascist practices in Turkey are the most important indicators. A head of state who fails to develop democracy in his own country is unlikely to develop it in another.
Is there a basis for building agreements and maintaining the autonomy of the administration, or is its autonomy at risk?
There has been an autonomous administration in northeastern Syria for 12 years. That is a short time to rebuild a country and a society, but the peoples of the region are so thirsty for democracy that during these 12 years, they have tried to quickly organize their desire for freedom and democracy. Looking towards the prospect of a democratic nation, they have developed an economy, politics, social life, self-defense and, most importantly, a women's organization. This is why women, who were the ones who most desired freedom, became the pioneers of revolution and social reconstruction. And for the first time, other peoples besides the Kurds and other religious communities also developed great confidence and hope in the liberal approach of the democratic Autonomous Administration. Furthermore, the revolution came at the cost of the lives of thousands of martyrs, as well as material and moral costs. This is why the grounds for protecting self-government are stronger than ever.
Once again, the democratic, inclusive, unifying and legitimately defense-oriented policies of the Autonomous Administrations are strengthening the hand of the autonomous government and thwarting the games being played by separatist, provocative and confrontational groups. It would be unrealistic to claim that autonomy is risk-free. In a region and a world that the international hegemonic powers are trying to shape with all their political and military might, there is always risk. On the other hand, there is the reality of a people and a society that in our region has become subjected to a war of all against all, fragmented, diasporized, assimilated, impoverished, subjected to genocide and isolated. This situation opens the door to a particular policy of war in the region. The regional interests of international capitalist powers come before everything else. We also know that they are willing to turn a blind eye to the massacre of a people to protect their own interests.
Is there a real risk of a massacre of the Kurdish civilian population, especially women?
The civilian population, especially women, is indeed at risk of being massacred. The perpetrators of these attacks are the SNA and ISIS gangs supported by the Turkish state. Furthermore, Turkey continues to carry out drone airstrikes against the civilian population, activists and politicians within the borders of the Autonomous Administration. In the latest attacks, three women from the Zenubya women's community in Manbij were massacred by the gangs. Since the Syrian Democratic Army's withdrawal from Manbij, there has been looting, theft and extortion in the city. At this point, the residents have closed their workplaces and started a strike against these practices by the gangs. Mass killings have taken place in the towns of Kobane and Eynisa. There are hundreds of victims among the people who have migrated to the regions of Shahba and Tel Rifaat, which were first occupied by the gangs. Their fate remains unknown. Hundreds of women have been abducted and raped in the Afrin canton, which has been occupied for years by gangs affiliated with the Turkish state. Thousands of olive trees have been destroyed, the only source of livelihood for the people of Afrin.
What kind of political solutions do you envision for the stabilization of Syria?
The life we dream of is one that is democratic, ecological and respectful of women. The root of social problems in the region and the world is a monistic, man-centered, male-dominated mentality. We want to drain and eliminate this source. We want to create a system that allows for an equitable and democratic social life for all peoples, faith groups and differences. We want to build an ecological life in which society is in harmony with nature. We also want to create a social order in which women are the most important subject. This can only be achieved by building a democratic Syria, in which the will of all social forces would be expressed.
Originally published at https://ilmanifesto.it/la-turchia-in-kurdistan-stupri-saccheggi-e-raid on 2024-12-19