Commentary
Generation Z: the strength of a movement and its weakness
The first digitally native generation in history is emerging from the virtual bubble where they were thought to be trapped. They are pouring into the streets.
Nepal, Morocco, Madagascar, Kenya, Indonesia, Peru – a handful of events in recent weeks offer proof that a political subject, loosely identified as “Generation Z,” has found its voice, forcing a sharp shift in the public debate.
In some cases, this movement has led to the seemingly easy overthrow of presidents and prime ministers through waves of mass street demonstrations. The final outcomes, however, are still an open question.
Setting aside the anger over the dozens of young lives claimed by state repression during these mobilizations, there is a striking paradox at play: the first digitally native generation in history is emerging from the virtual bubble where they were thought to be trapped. They are pouring into the streets, living it out, converting the sharing of a viral post into a critical mass of bodies willing to stand in the way. They are using the new communication systems rather than being used by them, bursting into the real world with a pressure that has already caused some serious disruption.
Beyond the organizing function of apps like Discord and TikTok, the real political platform uniting these movements across Asia, Africa, and Latin America is the guaranteed minimum of buen vivir, a level of well-being that they dare to demand.
These are not extravagant demands; they want “bread for all” with or without “roses, too.” They demand education, healthcare, jobs, a focus on the country’s future (which means their future), honest public administration, free information and action on climate change. Faced with out-of-control poverty and unemployment, they are outraged by waste and corruption – systemic failures often more sensed by the public than officially uncovered by independent judiciaries. Having overcome the digital divide by their own means, they are now focused on the inequalities that impinge on the raw reality of people's daily lives. They are pursuing these goals through non-violent practices, though they are far from immune to infiltration by other actors or heavy-handed responses from security forces.
It is impossible to neatly categorize a community that includes students and the unemployed, rappers and office workers, radical left collectives and young monarchists. Furthermore, a conscious interconnection between these struggles has yet to emerge. The substantial lack of interest shown by the Moroccan protesters toward the issue of the occupied Sahrawi territories is reminiscent of the indifference shown by many Israeli anti-Netanyahu protesters toward the genocide in Gaza. And we shouldn't ignore the risks of disastrous outcomes that such processes can trigger, which counterbalance the uplifting aspect of this surge in participation.
What gives these movements their strength – being horizontal, leaderless, non-partisan, simultaneously spontaneous and organized – can easily become their weakness. This could be seen in September in Nepal, where Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli and an entire political class were swept away, but the army ended up having the last word.
Even more vividly, just days ago in Madagascar, the military took advantage of the overwhelming mobilization that forced President Andry Rajoelina to surrender, seizing power by opportunistically hitching their ride to the Gen Z bandwagon.
A few years earlier, in 2019, it was Sudan's turn. Months of sustained mobilization by a massive, and in that case intergenerational, civil society movement led – not without bloodshed – to the fall of Omar al-Bashir, who had been in power for 30 years. But here too, the primary beneficiary was the military clique behind him, which then dragged the country into the civil war that continues today.
It is necessary to learn from these negative experiences and push forward past the obstacles with an “optimism of the will.” Perhaps one day soon, they could even dismantle the cages and surveillance mechanisms of the digital oligopolies – although we might have to wait for Generation Alpha to change course towards less algorithms and more polyrhythms.
For now, it would be enough for an enlightened political class to listen to and understand this generation's cry of protest, so that they don't repeat the mistakes of their elders once they eventually take power.
Originally published at https://ilmanifesto.it/la-forza-di-un-movimento-e-la-sua-debolezza on 2025-10-19